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Sunday, April 26, 2015

GL says getting the show on the road after 100 days not the most important thing

GL says getting the show on the road after
100 days not the most important thing

 

As Parliament prepares to debate and possibly pass the 19th Amendment to the Constitution with the required two thirds majority on Tuesday, Prof. G.L. Pieris, the SLFP’s constitutional affairs spokesman said yesterday that what is important is "not to get the show on the road after 100 days."

"It is much more important to ensure the quality of the show as constitutional arrangements that will shape the destiny of the country for many decades are at stake," he said.

Pieris indicated opposition support for 19A provided the amendments they are proposing are accommodated. Asked whether they would oppose the legislation if some of the amendments are accepted and others not, he said "that is a call we would have to take at that time."

The former Vice Chancellor and Law Professor of the Colombo University, who has long served as a Minister in both UNP and SLFP/UPFA governments said that from the very beginning, they were concerned about both the substance and the process of what is being attempted.

Citing the reference to a 30-member cabinet in the document before Parliament, he alleged that there was a "large element of hypocrisy" in it as there was a ready means of escape from this provision by a "vague reference" to a national government enabling cabinet numbers to rise to a threshold of 77.

On the issue of the Constitutional Council he bitterly complained about what he called two bad appointments already in place - those of Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and Director General of the Bribery and Corruption Commission, Dilrukshi Wickremasinghe.

"There is considerable scope for abuse on the appointment of members of the Constitutional Council," he said calling for a proper balance. On crossovers, he said that MPs must not be made mere ciphers of party hierarchies and must be allowed some freedom of conscience without risking losing their seats.

Asked whether he felt that previous defections without penalty enabled by the Sarath Silva Supreme Court were proper, Pieris said "that is going to the other extreme."

The former minister also said that the Bill that was originally gazetted has since been amended and English copies only made available on Friday. Major changes were possible through committee stage amendments.

Asked whether it was not correct that the amendments that were to be moved had been furnished to the court, he said that while it was so, the 19 petitions to the court was on the basis of the gazetted version and the petitioners and the public were not privy to those amendments at the time they filed their petitions.

others are given not to Sinhalese

Housing facilities for Sinhalese in Jaffna

Members of North East Sinhala IDP Association (NESIA) have written to the Minister of Re-settlement D M Swaminathan seeking his intervention to arrange proper housing facilties for the Sinhalese who have been in IDP status in Nawakkuliya in Jaffna since 2010.
NESIA has highlighted that although all other communities have been properly settled and had been given basic infrastructure no such treatments have been extended to Nawakkuliya Sinhala village to date.
Noting that they have been in a state of displacement since 1983 black July riots, the IDPs have stated that none of the governments looked into their woes. They have asked Minister Swaminathan to assist them in building permanent houses in their village or to help them become beneficiaries under the on going Indian Government funded housing program.

කවුරු කිවුවත් මගේ ඡන්දය 19ට නෑ – විදුරගෙන් පටන්ගනී..

කවුරු කිවුවත් මගේ ඡන්දය 19ට නෑ – විදුරගෙන් පටන්ගනී..කවුරු කිවුවත් තමන් 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්තා සංශෝධනයට ඡන්දය නොදෙන බව පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී විදුර වික‍්‍රමනායක මහතා කියා සිටියේය.
බණ්ඩාරගම පැවති ජන හමුවක් අමතමින් ඔහු සඳහන් කර සිටියේ එජාපය උත්සාහ කරන්නේ නංගි පෙන්වා අක්කා දෙන්න බවත් තමන් ඒ කුමන්ත්‍රණවලට අහුවෙන්නේ නැති බවත්ය.
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now more restriction for public gathering - no media No restrictions

Laws Sought To Restrict Protests

By Waruni Karunarathne
Deputy Minister of Justice Sujeewa Senasinghe says laws must be introduced to restrict public demonstrations to specific areas as a move forward for to allow peaceful demonstrations in the country in order to protect the rights of activists, workers and the public.
Minister Senasignhe said that in Sri Lanka the public demonstrations are carried out at times disturbing the public and causing public unrest. Therefore he added that there is a need to introduce laws that curtail demonstrations to specific areas assigned like in many other countries. “I have observed that in countries like Australia there are specific places for demonstrations so that the demonstrations do not disturb the public and their day to day activities. Demonstrations must be done peacefully,” he added.
According to him, right now in Sri Lanka there are no designated locations for public demonstrations and therefore there is a necessity to introduce such places and laws to curtail the demonstrations to such areas “Those laws must be enforced in order to protect the rights of both workers and public,” he insisted.
In countries like the US, there are Free speech zones or protest zones set aside in public places for political activists to exercise their right of free speech and carry out demonstrations.
This  is bull shit american ca protest any where even wall street

Saturday, April 25, 2015

BY Tissa Attanayake

UNP: A repetition of 2001-2004

 

article_image
Tissa Attanayake

The former general secretary of the UNP Tissa Attanayake crossed the floor of the house and joined Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign largely in protest at his party deciding to support Maithripala Sirisena as the common opposition candidate. The fear that he publicly expressed before the election was that if the common candidate wins, the UNP may be left in the lurch. With the abolition of the executive presidency having been successfully torpedoed by the Sirisena camp, the entire gloomy picture painted by Attanayake now appears to be coming true. In this interview he speaks to C. A. Chandraprema about the mess that the UNP has got itself into.

Q. I still remember the speech you made at the meeting held at Sirikotha when Maithripala Sirisena came there for the first time after leaving the SLFP to become the common opposition candidate. You pointedly warned that this process of fielding an outsider as the presidential candidate could result in the party members having to face a grave injustice in the future. Now all that has come true. Sirisena came into power promising to abolish the executive presidency and to cede executive power to the prime minister and cabinet. Today, Sirisena has given the middle finger to all those who supported him, the UNP, the JVP and the various NGOs and basically sabotaged the process of dismantling the executive presidency. Even the pro-UNP websites have now started saying that it is Sirisena himself who is behind the moves to sabotage the abolition of the executive presidency.

A. When the UNP took the decision to field a common opposition candidate I foresaw that situation. We had undergone certain experiences in fielding General Sarath Fonseka at the previous presidential election. I always held the position that the candidate this time around should be a member of the UNP. We had been in opposition for nearly 20 years and our long suffering party members had to be looked after.

I told Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe that if we are going to field an outsider we have to obtain assurances about the due place that the UNP should get. If we were going to get the premiership we had to get assurances about the powers that the prime minister would have. I also told him to get clear assurances about the time frame for abolishing the executive presidential system. Today, all that has fallen by the wayside and UNP activists at the village level and in the workplaces are now disappointed and despondent. Members of the JSS and other UNP trade unions say that even though this is supposed to be a UNP government, they can’t get anything done. The UNP has been deceived and they are now in big trouble. The 100 day programme was a complete sham.

Q. It’s not just the UNP that was involved in the common candidate project. There was the JVP too. Sirisena may have executive power but the UNP has a large vote base and the JVP has organisational ability so they have people power. If the pledges that have been given are not being met, there are ways and means of ensuring that the pledges are kept especially when the president has been elected on UNP votes.

A. There were several pledges given to the people. The people were assured that the executive presidency would be abolished. A good proportion of the floating vote went to Sirisena because people believed that promise. The people expected total abolition and they thought there would be no more presidential elections and we would revert to a prime ministerial system of governance. The 19th Amendment is an unsuccessful piece of legislation which does not fulfil the pledge given to abolish the executive presidency.

Q. Why do you think the UNP stooped so low as to agree to this 19th Amendment which only pretends to abolish the executive presidency?

A. On the one hand they probably think that Sirisena will not be a challenge to them and that they can continue even with his powers remaining intact. Then perhaps they probably don’t want the executive presidency abolished completely either because they see opportunities for themselves in the future.

Q. We see that Mahinda loyalists are out on the streets demanding his return to power. They can mobilise crowds at short notice. But after the 8th January, we never saw a single UNP rally – not even one demanding the abolition of the executive presidency. What is the reason for such paralysis?

A. The main reason for this is that UNPers are now completely disillusioned and despondent.

Q. What you are saying is that they can’t be motivated to come out onto the streets?

A. If you talk to ten UNP activists or voters, eight would say that there is now no point in such things. I still maintain close contact with members of the UNP. One criticism that I hear from village level activists of the party is that even though they had brought the present government into power with great difficulty, the party leaders don’t care for them.

Q. That sounds like a replay of 2001-2004.

A. That is exactly what is happening. The government has not been able to convince the UNP rank and file that they will stand to benefit from the present government. A criticism that is often heard is that ministers can’t be contacted even over the phone. The ministers are said to be behaving as if they would be in power for the next 25 years. If members of the UNP came out enthusiastically at the presidential election, that enthusiasm has now fallen by about 75% by now. It will not be easy to motivate UNPers at the village level.

Q. If despondency is spreading among party members at the village level, that should come to the notice of the UNP ministers as they too interact with their voters on a daily basis. One of the reasons why the UNP ministers have not attempted to organise any UNP rallies would also be due to the fact that they sense that the party rank and file would not respond.

Then why are they brimming with confidence as you yourself said? Take for instance the way the prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe behaved in parliament on Tuesday in the wake of that fiasco involving summons issued to Mahinda Rajapaksa by the Bribery Commission. The MR camp had just got a majority in parliament with 118 signatures in favour of Mahinda which means the prime minister is living on borrowed time. Yet there he was, shouting and laughing in parliament as if he had not a care in the world!

A. The reason for that is nothing but over confidence. This is what happened to us after 2001 as well. When our leaders were told about the dissolution of parliament in 2004, they took no notice. This is why members of the UNP cabinet think nothing of distancing themselves from the party rank and file. To them, interacting with the public is now a tedious and unpleasant task because people are asking for jobs, houses, transfers and many other things. While the UNP ministers are drifting apart from their own supporters, people are gathering around Mahinda Rajapaksa in huge numbers.

Even though Maithripala Sirisena is the leader of the SLFP on paper, the SLFP members at the village level do not appear to be willing to accept him as their leader. Though he is both the head of state and the leader of the party, the people’s representatives of his own party disobey his orders and attend meetings and sign petitions and stage demonstrations in favour of Mahinda. The reason for this is that people believe Mahinda Rajapaksa can provide leadership. He is filling a leadership void. When a leader who had been ruling the country for the past 9 years is defeated and the people start clamouring for his return within just three months, we have to understand that something has gone wrong somewhere. The reason for that phenomenon is that the people have lost faith in the president and the government.

Q. The SLFP was in power for a long time. When you have been in power for that long, you get used to power and are unable to live without it. Despite this, ordinary SLFP activists at the village level have shown remarkable uprightness. Sirisena is the leader of their party and he is going to be the all powerful executive president for the next six years yet they care not a twit about him. They don’t want him or his power, they cry with one voice that they want Mahinda back. Don’t you wish sometimes that members of the UNP too had a backbone like that?

A. I too am full of admiration for the present behaviour of members of the SLFP. They know exactly who their natural leader is, and they are willing to follow him no matter what. This is a shining example for all political parties.

WHAT S THE NEED OF SWISS EXPERTS WHEN ALL BIG MOUTHS SAID HORA THEY WILL KNOW

Swiss expert here to unravel clandestine accounts

92 Lankans hold 129 accounts in Swiss Banks
Gretta Fenner
Gretta Fenner, a Swiss expert, has arrived in Sri Lanka to assist the Sri Lankan government in its investigations into "clandestine" Swiss bank accounts belonging to Sri Lankans, informed government sources told the Daily News.
The Swiss expert has visited the country following a request made by Sri Lankan authorities to the government of Switzerland. This issue drew the attention of Sri Lankan authorities in February, this year, when a cache of leaked Swiss bank files analysed by International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) contained information linked to 92 Sri Lankan clients holding 129 accounts with a total value to the tune of approximately US $ 58.3 million (approx. Rs.7.7 billion).
The ICIJ said the maximum amount of money associated with a client linked to Sri Lanka was US $ 10.7 million (approx. Rs.1.4 billion) and the country is placed at 112th among "the countries with the largest dollar amounts in the leaked Swiss files."
Following this revelation, Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake said in Parliament that the government would conduct an investigation into "Swiss accounts" held by Sri Lankans.
Fenner is the Managing Director of the Basel Institute on Governance, where she also holds the position of Director of the Institute's International Centre for Asset Recovery. She has already held these positions from 2005 to 2008, during the founding years of the Institute, and has joined the Institute again in late 2011 after three years in Australia and Oxford, United Kingdom. During these intermittent years, she advised governments, donors, international organisations and multinational corporations in governance and anti-corruption related topics as well as organisational change and development processes and policy design.
Before joining the Basel Institute, from 2000 to 2005, she worked at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Paris managing anti-corruption programmes in the Asia-Pacific region. She also played a key role in establishing the Asian Development Bank (ADB)/OECD Anti-Corruption Initiative for Asia-Pacific. 

COMMENTS

BY CARLOS (NOT VERIFIED) ON 
Why doesnt the GOSL go public with the names and ask individual person to justify having an account in Switzerland, such as persons working who worked there or had commsions paid out as and Agent for a company or even persons presently working there with Sri Lankan names, which is easy to indentify specialy the Sinhala names. The other Tamil and muslim and Portuguese origin names like the Pereras De Silvas, Fernandos, etc can be also from other countries. But each Bank has your nationality and place of Birth in their records. THis Lady may be useful to go after the illegaly amassed money

BY DAS (NOT VERIFIED) ON 
Mostly persons with unaccountable wealth hold swiss bank accounts. If names are divulged, domestic inquiries can reveal the sources of their incomes. Fenner's actions are anticipated.

BY DALIT (NOT VERIFIED) ON 
How on earth Swiss Bank employee reveal or help a third party. It is like "horagen pena ahanawa wagri"

BY PUSH (NOT VERIFIED) ON 
This kind of information should be treated as top secret until the culprits are caught red handed.
- See more at: http://www.dailynews.lk/?q=local/swiss-expert-here-unravel-clandestine-accounts#sthash.voJmLktj.dpuf

MODI PM TO CVW

Did Wigneswaran Break Protocol Writing to Modi To Free Convicts?

Published: 24th April 2015 08:00 PM
Last Updated: 24th April 2015 08:02 PM
COLOMBO: Northern Province Chief Minister C.V.Wigneswaran may have broken protocol when he officially wrote to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi requesting him to consider releasing four Sri Lankan Tamils sentenced to life imprisonment in the 1994 Premananda rape and murder case, Lankan officials told Express.  
A Foreign Ministry official said that as per protocol, the Chief Minister should send his letter to the Foreign Ministry first. The Foreign Ministry will, in turn, send it to the destination through the Foreign Ministry of the country concerned.
However, in the case of the Northern Province Chief Minister this diplomatic  route is not insisted upon these days because of the close relations existing between Lanka and India, he added. The protocol is not uniformly applied.  
“And, at any rate, the Northern Chief Minister has written to Modi in the past, without any objections from Colombo,” the official pointed out.
In his official letter dated March 14, 2015, Wigneswaran told Modi that he was forwarding documents sent by one K.Sivathy, daughter of R. Kamalananda, convict No: 4220.
“Since the girl’s father and mother hail from our (Northern) province, I take the liberty of forwarding the said documents for your kind consideration. Mr.Ram Jethmalani who is known to me, is fully aware of the false case filed,” Wigneswaran said.
The documents, addressed to Modi, were signed by immediate family members of the convicts R. Kamalananda; S. Balendra; S. Sathishkumar; and S. Nandakumar.
They convicts’ relations claimed that a “travesty of justice” had taken place. And with the Indian Supreme Court confirming the sentence, release had  become  “impossible”.
Pleading for Modi’s good offices to get them released, they said: “ Our dear ones have been in prison for more than 20 years now. The best years of their lives are gone and our lives have also been affected very much. It might be noted Sir, that they are not convicted for any positive act of crime but for abetment only.”


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Gota’s Journey Had Its Humour

Gota’s Journey Had Its Humour 

Filed under: Colombo Telegraph,Opinion | 
Shyamon Jayasinghe
Shyamon Jayasinghe
Oh! What an era we live in! Gotabaya Rajapaksa, most powerful sibling of the most powerful President Sri Lanka ever had, on a journey to the Bribery Commissioner’s Office! On the first of January this year did you, reader, ever imagine this journey? Even on the 8th of January Maitripala Sirisenahad no clue that Gota will have to make his way to the Bribery Commissioner’s Office under his watch as President. Maitri was hiding that fateful day in a secret place fearing that Mahinda Rajapaksa would have Gota’s men get him and his family. Everybody feared Gota.
Such are the insecurities of politics. The Buddha had said that everything emerges, stays for a while and passes away. But nothing passes away as astonishingly as political fortunes do. We are surprised when it happens; yet we soon get accustomed to the imagination that politicos, once ensconced in the seats of power, are hard to get rid of. More than us, the politician himself will least believe his glory will end. The delusion of permanence is both the driving force of politicians in power and their eventual death knell.
The Daily FT of 24th April 2015 carried a report of Gota’s journey which compels comment. I like to share this with my readers. A large crowd of protestors had assembled in the premises defying a previous court order. Rajapaksas are experts at jana ganga (rivers of people). They had mastered the mobilizing technique from the JVP. We saw it at election meetings. We saw it at Nugegoda. With ample financial resources at disposal and a well -organized local mob leadership such jana ganga simply happens. Poor Basil, now in person, didn’t have it organized for him-maybe due to his slight fall- out from the Rajapaksa mainstream. His nephew,Yoshitha, had reportedly castigated the uncle for being primarily responsible for his Dad’s fall from power. Yoshitha does not admit his own contribution.
GotaBack to the crowds. They carried an illegal Sri Lanka flag without the two stripes that represent the Tamil and Muslim communities. In other words, they stand for the ‘pure patriots,’ or, as Dayan Jayatilleka may say, ‘smart patriots.’ The racist rallying cry that has been marking the “bring –back MR campaign” was reflected here, too. The theory that minorities are guests who must live on the good nature of Sinhalese constitute the brain, heart, and soul of Sinhala extremism. Leading the crowd there was Gammampila, the break-away founder of the ‘Pivithuru Hetak,’ (pure tomorrow) campaign –whatever that may mean. We are familiar withNamal’s ‘Tharunyata Hetak (Tomorrow for Youth). The youth got nothing of that campaign of Namal except that the funds were reportedly outlayed for the Dad’s election campaign. Maybe night car races were also run on that money. In the case of Gammanpila, there is an admission that the current regime is not ‘pure’ (in character) and that we hapless Sri Lankans must wait until Gammanpila ushers that purity. A leader in a hurry, the circumstances of his suddenly leaving the JHU was definitely not the start of that ushering because it was transparently foul. Maybe, Gammanpilla has reformed after that furtive slip away.
Besides the crowds, Gota himself came out with some choice statements on the way to the Bribery Commissioner, according to the FT report. He was not after drinks. ““I served this country honestly as an official. If they can do this to an official like me, I don’t think any State official will work for this country again,” And what have “they” done? Summon him for questioning. Prey, what’s wrong with that? In the civilized world the law is supreme and even big wigs must allow to be examined for charges made. If the charges are not sustainable they are let go. No official will be discouraged to work in circumstances like that. If one is not guilty one can hang it. Next, Gota becomes the judge in his own cause when he says, ”all these allegations are baseless.” Obviously, the Rajapaksas were judges in their own cause when they were in power. If matters went pass them and their musclemen to court there were judges who would have acted “sensitively,” because it is the government that the judges are dealing with. Mohan Pieris proclaimed the doctrine that judges must be “sensitive to the executive.” In this part of the world judges are required to be sensitive to the law and the law alone. But now the pendulum has swung away. Mohan’s law and the Rajapaksas are no more.
Counsel for Gota, Kariyawasam, also showed his colours during that suspenseful journey. The charges had been with regard to financial transactions that had taken place while Gota had been Mihin Air Chairman. Kariyawsam stated ”in defense” that this was a period when Gota was busy fighting a war. Can lawyers be more stupid? If Gota was busy why did he take up the post of Mihin Air Chairman? So many better qualified persons could have been spotted in any nook and corner in Colombo itself. The rub is that it all must be kept in the family. We know what the Sri Lankan Airlines “family Chairman” had been up to