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Thursday, March 12, 2015

Electoral reforms: more questions than answers

Electoral reforms: more questions than answers

The lead story in this newspaper's yesterday's edition was about the proposed electoral reforms. It was with regard to party leaders at Parliament agreeing to have representation in the 'lower house' on the following basis. One hundred and twenty five on the first past the post (FPP) system, 75 on the basis of proportional representation (PR) and the balance 25 on nomination.
Ceylontoday, 2015-03-12 02:00:00
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Electoral reforms: more questions than answers
The lead story in this newspaper's yesterday's edition was about the proposed electoral reforms. It was with regard to party leaders at Parliament agreeing to have representation in the 'lower house' on the following basis. One hundred and twenty five on the first past the post (FPP) system, 75 on the basis of proportional representation (PR) and the balance 25 on nomination.
That makes the total count to Parliament to 225. It is the same as that which existed in the 1989 general elections. Therefore, Sri Lanka's electoral system, as far as representation to Parliament, in relation to numbers of MPs, is concerned, has remained unchanged for the past 25 years. That surely is a record.
Since Sri Lanka gained universal adult franchise in 1931, it has had 15 elections to the lower house. Those were two to the State Council under the British Raj and the balance, post independence, beginning with the 1947 elections, i.e. the polls held prior to Sri Lanka being granted independence the following year, i.e. in 1948.

Since then the number that may be represented in the lower house has increased, not decreased nor has those numbers remained static, but had only increased, in tandem with the population growth in the country during that period.
It began with a representation of 50 in the old State Council in 1931, which 58 years later in 1989 had grown by more than fourfold to 225. In the comparative period Sri Lanka's population had increased by more than three-fold to 16.8 million, according to the internet.

The island's population as at end 2014 is estimated at 20.3 million according to State owned Census and Statistics Department. This is an increase of 20.8% over the 1989 population figure. That alone may be sufficient reason to call for increased representation in Parliament from the current number of 225.
Prior to Sri Lanka increasing the number of parliamentary seats to 225 in the 1989 poll, at the last general election held before that, which was the 1977 elections, that poll was to elect 168 representatives to Parliament.

According to the internet, Sri Lanka's population in 1977 was 13.9 million. Therefore, in a period of 12 years, its population had increased by 2.9 million or by 20.9% to 16.8 million by 1989. Proportionately, the increase in the number of seats in Parliament in the review period had increased by 57 or by 33.9% to 225.
Likewise, in the period 1989 to 2014, the population had increased by 3.5million or by 20.8% to 20.3 million, but the number of seats available in Parliament to lawmakers has stagnated at 225.
If Parliament is indifferent to take these matters into consideration by not increasing parliamentary representation at the next general election, then it may be a matter for the voter to take such an act of nonchalance before court, as a violation of his/her fundamental right.

In related developments, the party leaders' meeting of Tuesday had also decided to reintroduce the FPP system last seen in the aforesaid 1977 polls. According to the article, the majority of seats in the 225-seat Parliament, namely the election of 125 MPs, would be on the FPP system, at future polls.

The FPP system, which was in force from the time Sri Lanka enjoyed Universal Adult Franchise in 1931 was discontinued in 1977 and replaced by the PR system. The PR system witnessed the election of members, whether it be to Parliament or to Provincial Councils or to Local Government institutions, in proportion to the votes cast to a particular party, with bonus seats added on.
The difference, in respect of election to Parliament vis-à-vis election to other bodies under the PR system was that in addition to elected members, a party also had a right to nominate members, depending on the number of votes received, to Parliament.
Such numbers in totality were restricted to 29. But, under the proposed electoral changes, that figure has been pruned down to 25.

Nevertheless, the idea behind the then President J.R. Jayewardene introducing the PR system after his 1977 election win was to ensure that his party, which has the single largest voter base as a single party, would see such numbers also be translated and reflected by the percentage number of seats his party would command in Parliament as well.

Though it has not worked exactly that way, the reasons of which may be too numerous to mention, the PR system has at least ensured that the UNP was not relegated to eight seats as happened in the 1956 poll, or 16 at the 1970 general election, though polling the highest number of votes as a single party at both of those elections. However, a complaint against the PR system was that the identity of an MP, vis-à-vis the electorate he represented, has become blurred. This is because the traditional electorate has now expanded to encapsulate a district.

A district MP and his obligation to his electorate, which now, ipso facto, encompasses a total district, as compared with an electoral MP under the old FPP system, has made such an MP unaccountable to his vast electorate, compared with the 'traditional' electorate. That was the grouse.

Hence the reason behind introducing a mixed electoral system. While the operation of an FPP system is seemingly straight forward, the fragmentation of a country to 125 electorates, as opposed to an expansion 168, when this system (FPP) was last practised at a general election held 38 years ago in 1977 is seemingly contentious, due to the aforesaid reasons, where the population has since increased by a massive 46% or by 6.4 million to 20.3 million as per 2014 figures, from 13.9 million in 1977.
The public may also like to know from lawmakers, how this electoral fragmentation would be worked out.

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